John Amaruso
Professor Steck
11/20/2012
The Yugoslav Wars:
Communism, Ethnic Rivalry and Fanatic Leadership
The wars that erupted in the country of Yugoslavia after the dissolution of the Soviet Union brought to light the boiling ethnic tensions that had been suppressed for over a century. A country comprising of widely different ethnicities and religious factions were united under the leadership of Josip Broz Tito and the League of Communists of Yugoslavia when the Axis powers invaded the country in 1943. For a period of almost 40 years, Yugoslavia’s undercurrent of ethnic tension was put on hold as the idea of a unified Yugoslavia and common Yugoslavian identity was enforced through the authoritarian leader’s decree. This concept held true for many countries that fell behind the Iron curtain, only to see these ideas thrown to the waste side as ultra nationalist movements played their part in reviving ancient animosities.
After Josip Broz Tito’s death, these problems began to slowly bubble, as nationalist movements organized around the idea of self-determination for their particular constituencies. This resulted in large scale movements driven by ethnic identity to break away from the country and gain independence. This attempt at independence by various ethnic groups such as the Albanians, Croats and Bosnians led by figures like Slobodan Milos̆ević who condemned such activities, which in turn only exacerbated the problem.
What we will strive to figure out is what the events and situations were that ultimately led to one of the bloodiest wars in recent history. Was it the teachings of Communism, the abandonment of one’s ethnic identity in favor of national and class identity an impediment to this conflict or did it merely serve to prolong and deepen the animosity? Did leaders involved in the conflict mishandle and even perpetuate the violence that ended up leaving over 140,000 people dead? Are these tensions still prevalent and do they still guide public discourse in some of the newly independent states created out of these wars?
Much like most of the countries we know, the country of Yugoslavia was formed in the wake of World War I. Woodrow Wilson's 14 points, specifically his concept of 'self-determination' led many people in Europe who were ruled under the various empires to believe their chance at autonomy had finally come. What many did not realize was that the crumbling of these empires left behind a much worse fate for those who sought independence. The moment for independence and true self determination was undermined by the international community's follied efforts at appeasing world power's interests.
Prior to the eruption of World War I, the region later known as Yugoslavia was split between a few different empires. Serbia and Montenegro formed a kingdom in the south and were aligned with Czarist Russia (Mitrovic). A part of the Austrian-Hungarian Empire, Slovenia and Croatia in the west. Later the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina angered many Serbs and Bosnians and eventually led to the assassination of the Austrian arch duke Franz Ferdinand by a Serbian citizen (Mitrovic). This flash point in history is seen as the beginning of World War I, an end to 20th century empires, and the foreshadowing of ethnic nationalists attempting to carve a path of independence in the face of other powers attempting to exert control over the region.
Yugoslavia after World War I was comprised of mostly South Slavic Orthodox Christians with a large Muslim minority that lasted from 1918-1941(Lampe). The Kingdom was a union of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, the Kingdom of Serbia, and the Kingdom of Montenegro. The regions of Kosovo, Vojvodina and Vardar Macedonia were brought in as well as they were under the rule of Serbia prior to World War I (Lampe). The official name of the Kingdom in its early years was the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, but the "Kingdom of Yugoslavia" was the other term many in the international community used, and was eventually applied after the Axis powers invaded in 1941 (Lampe).
Despite the formal unification, there were still Serbs who desired a "Greater Serbia" which was controlled from Belgrade and extended to where Croatia and Bosnia are today. Meanwhile Croats in the region desired autonomy (Silber). The tensions between these two groups boiled in the early years of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In 1928, a Serb deputy in the national parliament shot 5 Croatian Deputies, killing two deputies and the leader of the Croatian Peasants, Stjepan Radić, after Croatian deputies called for a reign in of Serbian centralization of the government (Silber). The seeds of ethnic conflict were planted from this moment on, and the Croatian nationalist movement grew in size to combat what they saw as Serbian extremism.
The Croatian nationalist group, the Ustaše organization was formed in the wake of the event. The Ustaše organization along with other exiled political groups were eventually held responsible for the assassination of Alexander the 1st in October of 1934, the King of Yugoslavia at the time (Silber). His assassination while on a diplomatic visit to France sent shock waves through the region and only deepened the wounds of many involved in the conflict, and only perpetuated nationalistic sentiment.
After the assassination, Alexander's cousin Paul is appointed Regent Prince and sought to appease Hitler's Germany which had been annexing territory starting with Poland and eventually sparked World War II (Mojzes). By joining the Tripartite Pact in March of 1941, Yugoslavia was formally inducted into the Axis powers (Mojzes). This declaration met with wide spread opposition from groups within the country.
Shortly after Regent Prince Paul was overthrown with British support, and the original heir to the throne, Alexander's son, Peter II, who was too young at the time of his death to take power, was deemed to be of age to rule the Kingdom, at 17 years old (Silber). Informally the new rulers of Yugoslavia under Peter II retracted their support for the Axis powers, and were quickly invaded and conquered by German forces (Silber).
The region's borders were again redrawn by Germany, Italy, Hungary and Bulgaria. Slovenia was annexed mostly into Germany territory, along with Serbia. Kosovo went to the Italians, Macedonia to the Bulgarians, and Croatia was declared an independent state after the absorption of Bosnia-Herzegovina (Silber). In Croatia, Ante Pavelić came to power, head of the Ustaše terrorist organization, with the backing of Nazi Germany (Mozjes). During his rule hundreds of thousands of Jews, Gypsies and Serbs were deported or killed (Mozjes). This memory of ethnic genocide haunted Serbs through the following years into it's dissolution in 1989.
The "Partisan" movement, also known as the "National Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia" were a counter revolutionary force against the Nazi backed government. They were anti-fascist, pro-communist, and sought to lead the people's of the region under a federal state (Djilas). A communist revolutionary movement in Yugoslavia, they were the military wing of the National Liberation Front, a political organization controlled by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia or the KPJ (Djilas). The commander of this paramilitary organization was Josip Broz Tito. The General Secretary of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, he led the movement that ultimately brought the Communists to power, and was eventually ushered in as Prime Minister and later President of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1945 (Djilas).
After the initial declaration by the Partisans of the "Democratic Federal Yugoslavia" in 1943, the country was to be renamed a few times, the first after only 3 short years to the "Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia" and later the "Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia" (Djilas). Regardless of nuances, the name "Yugoslavia" stuck throughout it's history, and a manufactured national identity was to shortly follow under the Communist government.
After the end of World War II and the defeat of the Axis Powers, Yugoslavia was formed after unifying six republics and two autonomous provinces, namely the republics of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and the two autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina, under the communist party (Silber). Newly inducted president Josip Broz Tito had many challenges to face. The new communist government's most difficult and largest hurdles to overcome was the destruction left behind by World War I and World War II, the ethnic conflict between Serbs, Montenegrins and Croats, Bosnians, Slovenes, not to mention conflict along religious lines between Christians and Muslims, and meanwhile to distance themselves from the overbearing power to the east, the USSR. While Tito unlike many new communist leaders ushered in after World War II, did not have much to owe the communists in Moscow and easily broke ties with the Stalin regime.
By becoming one of the first founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, a collection of states which formally declared no alignment with either of the major powers during the Cold War, Tito became widely respected and admired by many in his own country and around the world (Ridley).
In a speech shortly after the departure from Moscow's orbit, Josip Broz Tito was quoted as saying "Each of our republics will count for nothing if we do not stay united. In the future we must create our history, the history of a socialist and united Yugoslavia" (Silber). This bestowed upon Tito the type of political capital and legitimacy he would need later to quell discontent and conflict between warring factions within his own country. Tito's vision of a Yugoslavia based on what many refer to as a "national communism" or "Titoism" in which an independent Yugoslavia could lead it's own path towards the perfect socialist state was received warmly by many in the state (Ridley). Meanwhile, this new path he embarked on clashed with the nationalist sentiment from many ethnic based groups in the region.
To consolidate this widely diverse nation and to silence dissidents, Josip Broz Tito led a large scale movement of oppression against nationalist sentiment and promoted the idea of "Brotherhood and Unity", later a slogan of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (Silber). Any sort of denunciation or dissent about the policy of "Brotherhood and Unity" was deemed a threat to Yugoslavia's national security and were met with swift and sometimes brutal punishment (Djilas). Any talks of secession or nationalist sentiment were unofficially outlawed, and many citizens as well as high ranking officials were convicted and sentenced to years in prison for such offenses (Djilas). Some of these dissenters and later prisoners under the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia included the former president of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Alija Izetbegovic, and former presidents of Croatia, Franjo Tudman and Stjepan Mesic (Djilas). Also in the purge, over 100,000 Ustaše's were executed and former members of the Fascist party were exiled and executed as well, along with Chetniks, a pro-monarchy, pro-Serbian organization (Mojzes).
Tito and the new government sought what they called a "third way" in an attempt to distance themselves from both the west and the east. To spite the USSR's vision of a collective will of socialist states, Tito advocated pursuing socialism in ways that applied evenly for each country's particular situation (Ridley). Unlike the Soviet's communism and more in step with Mao Tse Dong's Chinese communists, the top down approach of consolidation of communist states from a single entity would not achieve prosperity for those that fell in its orbit. Rather Tito felt as though he should pursue socialism in a manner best for the Yugoslav people. An example of this is Tito's implementation of the Worker's self management policy, which gave workers the ability to make decisions regarding labor practices such as health care, work hours, and benefits for whichever particular company they work for instead of the traditional owner or supervisor declaring such rules (Obradović). Many in the west praised Tito for his courage and stray from Soviet control.
Policies were later instituted to address ethnic tensions in the region. The federation of the Yugoslav nations and its national minorities were declared equal groups that were to co-exist in it's federal constitution in 1963 (Curtis). The option of declaring one's nationality as Yugoslav was later introduced, along with a series of national quota system in public institutions, where ethnic groups could be represented (Curtis). This was all done in exchange for an ideal setting of peace between ethnic groups and the promotion of a greater Yugoslavia in which the success of all depends on all.
Under the oppressive but benevolent rule of Josip Broz Tito, Yugoslavia was on a path towards prosperity. Later on in his reign, Tito amended the constitution in 1974, to grant greater autonomy for local leaders, again appeasing, or some might say, putting off the inevitable turmoil of local nationalist movements against the centralized government (Silber).
In 1980, Josip Broz Tito passed away (Ridley). Millions mourned the death of the unifying leader as his body on board a train through Yugoslavia passed small villages towards the location of his funeral in Belgrade (Ridley). With Tito's death, the mitigation of ethnic tensions was almost inevitable due to the absence of a conciliatory figure. What was left behind was an compilation of people with no one left to look to for security and unanimity.
At the time of tito's death, the regions within Yugoslavia varied greatly in their demographics. In each of the regions, the populations were as follows-
To put this into words, in Serbia, 66% were Serbian, 20% were Albanians and the autonomous provinces of Vojvodina had 56% Serbians, 22% Hungarians, 7% Croats while Kosovo, ancestral homeland of the Serbs, was 85% Albanians, and only 10% Serbs (Silber). Slovenia was made up of 90% Slovenes, making them homogeneous and was in better shape economically than most (Silber). In Macedonia, 67% of the population were Macedonians, 20% Albanian. In Montenegro, 70% Montenegrin, 6% Albanian, and 13% non Albanian Muslim (Silber). Bosnia-Herzegovina out of all the regions was the most evenly spread, which contributed to most of the ethnic conflict there, with 33% Serbs, 40% Muslims, and 20% Croats (Silber). In Croatia, 75% of the population were Christian Croats, with a 12% Serbian population. (Silber).
Meanwhile a man named Slobodan Milošević was making strides within the Serbian communist party. By 1986, Milošević was elected by a majority vote at the 10th Congress of the Serbian League of Communists to become President of the SKJ's Serbian Branch Central Committee (Sell). A fervent communist, Milošević denounced any and all forms of nationalism, despite being overtly pro-Serbian. Milošević provoked tensions between the Albanians and Serbs, claiming the Albanian majority in Kosovo had been oppressing the Serb minority and their rights violated (Sell). Not only this but the Albanian nationalist movement he claimed was on the verge of separatism, which would not be tolerated by the state. He pushed for reforms to reduce the autonomy of the region and looked for ways to protect the small Serbian minority in the region.
In 1987, Slobodan Milošević attended a meeting in Kosovo with the ethnic Albanian local communist party chief (Oproiu). Met with demonstrations from both Albanians and Serbs, the tension was heightened as Serbian protesters heckled the Milošević and complained of injustice committed by Albanian authorities. In a speech to the Serbian minority, Milošević riled up the crowd, disregarding police action as useful, and the only way to obtain justice was with their own hands (Oproiu). "I suggest you take care of order yourselves... You don't have to bring the police in at all" (Silber). This implied that the Serbian minority take action themselves- to ignore the rule of law and take matters in their own hands. This was a key moment in the build up to the Yugoslav wars.
Claims of rape, desecration of holy sites and violations of human rights committed by the Albanian people and authorities have never been confirmed. Regardless, grievances among the Serbian population festered to the point of ethnic war. Past crimes committed by both sides also played a part in lending legitimacy of such heinous acts.
Slobodan Milos̆ević continued to stir up ethnic conflict, making speechs across the country, implicitly supporting violent revolt against what he called "Serbia's enemies". "...At home and abroad, Serbia's enemies are massing against us. We say to them: 'We are not afraid. We will not flinch from battle'" (Silber).
Slobodan Milos̆ević also made it a point to depart from Tito's governments methods of governing, claiming he would lead an "Anti-bureaucratic" revolution (Sell). In the revolution that started in 1988, Milos̆ević held "Rallies of Truth" as he called it, in which Milos̆ević supporters overthrew local governments in Kosovo and in Montenegro and replaced them with Milos̆ević supporters (Sell). Attempts in Slovenia were impeded after Slovene forces along with Croatian police forces initiated military action against the Milos̆ević supporters (Kilber). Milosevic's populism grew among the Serbian minority in Kosovo as well as with Serbians around the country. Meanwhile, Croats, Slovenes, Montenegrins and Albanians were left to fight against vicious revolutionary forces that sought to throw them from power and eliminate their autonomy.
Milosevic's denunciation of the 1974 constitutional amendment that granted local leaders in Kosovo, Vojvodina and other local leaders more autonomy delegitimized the existing governmental structure (Sell). By doing this, Milos̆ević single handedly disregarded the rule of law, encouraging citizens to "right the wrongs" committed by a government that was taking rights away from the Serbs, while granting power to Albanians that ultimately lead to oppression. He also rallied against the confederal system, which gave the 6 republics equal decision making power in the government, claiming it was unequal and did not balance representation of the majority of the population (Sell).
After this movement, from 1988-1989, riots, protests, demonstrations and terrorism ensued. Protests such as the Yogurt revolution in Vojvodina, in which 150,000 people came to protest against the Vojvodinian government, the Usce rally in Belgrade, which some say up to a million people took part in, and demonstrations in Montenegro all lent a hand in the sowing of hate between these ethnic groups (Ramet). Meanwhile, Azem Vllasi's government in Kosovo was overthrown in the anti-bureaucratic revolution, after standing up to constitutional amendments proposed by Milos̆ević to decrease Kosovo's autonomy from the central Serbian government (Judah). Suspicion, rumors and demagoguery all took center stage as competing power interests were paranoid of the other's intent. This growing environment of hysteria eventually led to one of the bloodiest wars Europe had seen in centuries- the Yugoslav wars.
The collapse of communism and the rise of competing nationalist movements, particularly in the regions of Serbia and Croatia, was the beginning of the end for the federation of Yugoslavia. After Milosevic's anti bureaucratic revolution, toppling of Kosovo's government, and propaganda techniques, Croatia responded like wise, electing the nationalist candidate in the 1990 election, Franjo Tuđman (Lampe). He, like Josip Broz Tito, was a part of the Partisans during World War II (Djilas). His dream of an independent Croatia came as the threat from Serbia under Milos̆ević hung over the region. It was a year after his election in 1991 that Croatia declared itself an independent state (Silber).
The memory of Croatia under the Ustaše organization haunted many Serbs in Croatia, and led to widespread dissent against the ruling government under Franjo Tudman. The nationalist was equated with that of Ante Pavelić, the Ustaše leader turned President of Croatia who committed genocide with the backing of Hitler's Germany against Jews, Gypsies and Serbs during World War II (Bjelajac).
It was in the Croatian city of Knin, where local police forces, a majority Serbian, outright denied the rule of the new President, claiming his rule would bring back the methods used by the Croatians who were supported by the Nazis during World War II under the banner of nationalism (Bjelajac). Milan Martic, the police inspector at the time, was quoted as saying "We, the Serb police in Croatia, were left in no doubt, we would have to wear the same badges and uniforms worn by Croat wartime fascists" (Silber).
Franjo Tudman sent police forces to quell the upheaval. Mayor of Knin, Milan Babić, set up a reception for the delegation (Bjelajac). The talks were unproductive, as thousands of Serbs mobbed the streets outside the police station, chanting and protesting Croat authorities in their town (Silber). No agreement was made and Croat forces left without incident, but also without compromise. The city of Knin remained a Serbian stronghold for years until Croatian forces in 1995 captured the city (Mojzes).
Meanwhile, the government in Belgrade was not only supporting the Serbian defiance in Knin, they even provided them support and logistics, directing how to run their rebellion against what they called the "Fascist Croats" (Bjelajac). The Yugoslav army in 1991, under orders from the then Serbian controlled government, gave weapons and strategy advice to the rebelling Serbs (Bjelajac). With that, the Serbs began their revolt, setting up blockades across Croatia, mostly around the area of Knin, in Serbian dominated territory (Sudetic).
The Yugoslav army, which was supposed to represent and defend the country of Yugoslavia as a whole from outside threats, was now one sidedly against Croats in their attempts to defuse the uprising. Weapon deals with neighboring Hungary provided the Croatian government with arms that they could find nowhere else, seeing that the Yugoslav army would not help them in their plight.
The perception of each party involved in this conflict are tinted in many different ways. To the Yugoslav army, the smuggling of weapons by the Croatian government was a direct act of rebellion against the state. The Serb's desire for independence in Knin from Croatian rule was merely an altruistic call for democracy and freedom from oppressive Croatian rule. Meanwhile, the Croatian army saw the revolt in Knin as an act of rebellion against its state and threatened their autonomy over the region. The Yugoslav army's denial of support and weapons proved the army was not on the side of the Croats, but instead the Serbian government under Serb nationalist Slobodan Milos̆ević. To top this, the Yugoslav army was not only doing nothing to help, but was actually providing weapons and support to what the Croats saw as Serbian terrorists seeking to overthrow the democratically elected Croatian government and install a puppet government controlled from Belgrade.
In 1991, an attempt by the Yugoslav army to demand Croatia surrender any and all illegal weapons obtained and smuggled into the country prompted armed incidents to break out within the country between Serbs and Croatian police forces (Engelberg). Hundreds of explosives were used and dozens of attacks were made against the Croat police as Serbs fought against what they saw as oppression. The Serbs within Croatia started a secession movement, claiming Serb dominated territory within Croatian towns as under rule from Belgrade, not Croatia (Sudetic). This prompted Tudjman's government to increase the number of special police forces, eventually naming the force the "National Guard" (Magaš). This was the first opposition military to the Yugoslav army to be created.
In May of 1991, by a 94% in favor ruling, a referendum was passed by the Croatian government to declare independence from Yugoslavia (Magaš). Shelling from the Yugoslav People's Army began, killing thousands, displacing hundreds of thousands, and decimating Croatian territory (Magaš). The army at the start of the war claimed stake in about 1/3 of the country, in mostly Serb populated areas like Knin (Magaš). The military forced thousands to evacuate their homes and thousands of more were killed in this process (Mojzes). Meanwhile the United Nations imposed a weapons embargo, which effected the Croatian military's ability to gather weapons, forcing them to resort to illegal means to obtain arms (Cuelmans).
War crimes were committed sporadically by both sides during the conflict. One such incident, the Vukovar massacre, was perpetrated by the Yugoslav army against Croat prisoner's of war and civilians (Mojzes). A group of roughly 300 people were murdered by Serb forces after those captured were brought to a hospital near the city of Vukovar (Mojzes). This is just one of a string of examples of the atrocities committed during the wars that still haunt the region today.
Across the border, the Slovenian government in the north also passed a referendum on independence in June of 1991 (Lampe). The Ten Day War as it came to be known was enacted by the Yugoslav People's Army against the Slovenian Territorial Defence. The war which had limited casualties officially ended on July 7 after the Brioni Accord, signed with Croatia and Serbia, officially agreed to under certain conditions (Lampe). A moratorium on independence would postpone official autonomy for three months.
Due to Slovenia's relatively homogeneous society, opposition to its independence was limited by minority groups. It wasn't long before fighting started up again in Croatia due to it's large and active Serbian minority. A history of violent relations between the two groups did not do much except to exacerbate the problem.
In the south, a territorial dispute in Bosnia-Herzegovina eventually became intertwinted with the war between Croatia and Serbia. This proxy war between Croats and Serbs, mixed with the fight between Bosnians and the Yugoslav army, degenerated into a full scale massacre of thousands. Most of the war crimes committed happened in the region of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
It was the Bosnian's referendum on independence in 1992 that ignited the conflict (Lampe). Much like the vote for independence in Croatia, a huge majority voted in favor, 99% to be exact (Nohlen). Also, like the war in Croatia, Serb populated areas sought help from the government in Belgrade and they too claimed independence for themselves from the ruling government in Bosnia.
Radovan Karadzic, a Serbian ultra nationalist, led the Siege of Sarajevo against the Bosnian capital, lasting over 4 years, the longest of any such siege on a capital city in history (Mojzes). It's estimated that over 8,000 soldiers killed (Mojzes). This number is shadowed by the overwhelming number of civilians killed relative to military casualties; nearly 12,000 civilians, 1,500 of which were children and an additional 56,000 civilians were wounded (Mojzes).
Karadzic is also blamed for the systematic form of ethnic cleansing against the Bosnian population, which involved massacring, raping, and forcibly removing thousands from their homes. "Rape Camps" were set up in Bosnia, meant to genetically neutralize the Bosnian population by replacing any Bosnian lineage with Serbian ethnicity by impregnating the victim (Mojzes). Women and children were sent to these camps where the mothers were raped and most of the children were killed (Mojzes). According to the Tresnjevka Women's Group, almost 35,000 women and children were detained and tortured in these Serbian "rape camps". This figure also doesn't factor in those who were not sent to these camps but were merely victims of rape during the course of the war. Estimates are not precise, but many believe the number is as high as 50,000 women (Mojzes). Many of these rapes happened in the public domain by gangs of men, meant to terrify the surrounding community (Mojzes). It was this tactic of psychological warfare that was by far the most damaging of all.
In the formerly autonomous region of Kosovo, oppression from the government in Belgrade took hold. Large numbers of Kosovo Albanians were fired from public institutions, such as hospitals, schools, and banks (Judah). The restriction on education for the Albanian population in the Albanian language was imposed and many local governments were replaced with Serbian officials (Judah).
Demonstrations and protests were suppressed with force by the Yugoslav Army. It was the Kosovo Liberation Army in 1996 that prompted a counter insurgency against the ruling government from Belgrade (Judah). Conflict broke out between the Kosovo Liberation Army and Serbian military forces in 1998, becoming a full scale war in 1999 (Judah). After a round of talks called the Rombouillet talks failed between the warring factions, an intervention by NATO and the United Nations prevented the war from escalating further, with the bombing of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999 (Judah). Kosovo was later placed under the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (Judah).
The damage and suffering incurred during these wars on these psyche of this country's people is almost irreversible. A decade of war between Serbians, Croats, Bosnians, Albanians, Slovenes, Montenegrins and others involved left an incalculable toll in it's wake. The number of casualties which really depend on who you are asking, are as follows. The Ten Day War in Slovenia left a few hundred killed (Švajncer). The Croatian war of independence which lasted for almost 5 years and ended with the Erdut agreement in 1995, up to 15,000 were killed, 40,000 wounded, while hundreds of thousands were displaced (Magaš). The Bosnian war, which last 4 years and ended with the Dayton Accords, left at least 100,000 people killed and over 2 million displaced, a majority of these casualties the Bosnian civilian population (Magaš). The Kosovo War, lasting for a little over a year and ending with the intervention by NATO and an interim government controlled by the U.N., left up to 10,000 dead, including NATO troops (Judah). All of these figures can not be a hundred percent verified due to the chaos of the war, but these figures are the closest anyone can come to a rational figure.
Many figures involved with the wars were later caught and tried by the International Criminal Court. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, which was set up in the wake of the atrocities, has issued warrants for 161 individuals, ranging from soldiers, to generals, to Presidents (Mojzes). Radovan Karadzic, the Serbian ultra nationalist, was arrested in Belgrade in July of 2008 for his participation and direct orders during the mass ethnic cleansing in Bosnia (Mojzes). He is currently in the custody of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (Mojzes). Others who were indicted include Milan Babic, former mayor of Knin, Commander of the Bosnian Serb Army Ratko Mladic, the General of the Croatian Army Ante Gotovina (Mojzes).
Slobodan Milos̆ević was the first sitting head of state to be indicted for war crimes when the warrant was issued during the 1999 bombing campaign of Yugoslavia (Sadat). After Milos̆ević lost the September 2000 election in Serbia, he was arrested on charges of corruption, abuse of power by the Yugoslav authorities in 2001 (BBC). He was later sent to the Hague by Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Dindic to face the charges of war crimes (Sell). Milos̆ević defended himself in his five year long trial until his death in his prison cell in 2006 from a heart attack (Simons).
Today the 6 regions brought together under the former Yugoslavia stand as independent nations. Its violent path towards autonomy and self independence has shaped the political conscious of millions across the region and still echoes in the voices of their politicians. Despite the armistice between the countries, conflicts have moved from arms to words.
Kosovo, which officially declared it's independence in 2008, still quarrels with Serbia over it's northern region, where there is a large Serbian minority that is ruled under the Republic of Serbia. Serbia to this day still does not recognize the succession of Kosovo.
Croatia has moved on and has become a relatively successful country in the face of adversity. It remains today as one of the most popular tourist destinations, being placed 18th as the most visited country in the world (UNTWO). Its spectacular coastline and historical monuments attract millions each year. Its tourism industry grows with each season (UNTWO).
Bosnia Herzegovina, much like Croatia, has a growing tourism industry, and is working towards economic and political progress. As a candidate of the European Union and NATO, strides have been made in it's attempt to separate itself from it's bloody past.
Slovenia as well has moved on and joined the European Union and NATO in 2004, becoming the first former communist country to enter the Euro Zone in 2007 (Eurozine). In 2010 Slovenia was also inducted into the OECD (OECD).
Montenegro is a member of the World Trade Organization, OECD, The Council of Europe and is a founding member of the Union for the Mediterranean (UFM). The Union for the Mediterranean also includes Bosnia Herzegovina and Croatia (UFM). The country remains a potential candidate for EU and NATO membership (Europa).
Despite its bickering over its border with Kosovo, Serbia has also moved on economically, becoming a member of the UN, Council of Europe, Partnership for Peace, and OECD (OECD). Serbia also remains a potential candidate for EU membership (Europa).
With all this being said, the region's current economic progress masks a bloody and violent past. The dissolution of communism and pan nationalism, coupled with ethnic rivalry sparked the bloodiest war in Europe's recent history. The ideological limits of communism could only hold off the people's will and ambition for independence for so long. All it took was the death of a leader, and the rise of a few power hungry nationalists to ignite the region. The civilian casualty rate of this war has scarred the people of these countries and will forever remain in their memories. The injustice and brutalility of this war was something seemingly avoidable, and that may be the largest tragedy of all.
The people of this region have moved on for the most part. With sporadic comments from politicians and influential leaders, the potential for a restart for this conflict is plausible. It is left to the better judgment of these country's people to determine whether or not ethnic or nationalist pride is worth another bloody war, considering many families still bear the wounds of the last one. These opportunists in the region have only a small following. Only through education of the consequences of war can these people learn to resist such calls for action.
Ethnic nationalism can be tempered. It is the duty of each and every citizen, every leader and every institituion to re inforce the idea that war brings more consequence than it does benefit. It is the responsibility of the leaders of these countries to not follow in the steps of leaders like Milos̆ević, and instead trail a new path towards reconciliation and cooperation. Without this leadership, the former countries of Yugoslavia may spiral back into war, fighting ancient demons, seeking promised results, only to find their nations more war torn and bitter than before.
Outline
The Yugoslav Wars: Ethnic Tensions Lay Dormant Under Communism
1. Introduction: Statement of Proposed Question
2. History: How Yugoslavia Was Formed/Demographics
3. Yugoslavia Under Communism & Tito
4. The Death of Tito; It’s Implications and Consequences
5. The Rise of Ethnic Nationalism/Milosevic’s Leadership
6. War Erupts; Ethnic Cleansing/Genocide
7. The Creation of 6 Newly Independent States and the Balkans Today
8. The Future of the Balkans: Can Ethnic Nationalism Be Tempered?
Bibliography
Books
Allcock, John B., Marko Milivojevic, and John J. Horton. Conflict in the Former Yugoslavia. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 1998. Print.
Baerlein, Henry. The Birth of Yugoslavia,. London: L. Parsons, 1922. Print.
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